Overall, the findings of the present study indicated that shame, guilt, jealousy, and disgust differed significantly among the studied groups. Levels of shame, guilt, disgust, and jealousy were highest in patients with depression, followed by those with schizophrenia, those with bipolar disorder, and healthy individuals.
Lo et al. (
34) showed that individuals with major depressive disorder (MDD) exhibit a more pronounced emotional response to guilt than those with bipolar I disorder. Their results also showed that subjective reports and neural correlates of guilt in ambiguous social situations could serve as a potential biomarker to help differentiate between bipolar I disorder and major depressive disorder, even during remission. These findings are consistent with the results of the present study.
Given that over 25% of individuals with bipolar disorder (BD) are misdiagnosed with major depressive disorder (MDD) (
35), there is an urgent need for a reliable biomarker to distinguish BD from MDD. Different manifestations and intensities of maladaptive guilt processing may uniquely contribute to the pathogenesis of BD compared with MDD. Furthermore, a study by Ghatavi et al. (
36) demonstrated that lower expressions of guilt, shame, and pride distinguish acute depression from other groups, including patients with chronic heart disease and healthy controls.
Although previous research has shown that excessive explicit feelings of guilt may be associated with the development of depression (
37), it has also been demonstrated that guilt and its related neural mechanisms in individuals with remitted major depressive disorder can predict the risk of relapse (
38). Vivas et al. (
23) reported higher trait self-disgust but lower guilt in patients with schizophrenia than in control participants; the lower guilt level contrasts with our findings. The higher guilt scores in our study compared with those reported by Vivas et al. (
23) may reflect differences in guilt-assessment instruments and cultural context, including the importance attached to guilt in Islamic culture in Iran.
A major factor contributing to the failure of treatment programs for psychiatric patients is insufficient attention to emotional responses associated with the experience of stigma, particularly shame, across mental disorders. Evidence suggests that shame is the most salient emotional reaction to the stigma surrounding mental illness (
39). This emotion not only deters individuals from seeking psychological assistance but also emerges at various stages of treatment. It is well established that many individuals avoid seeking care because of fear of being labeled as mentally ill or because of the internalized shame associated with such labeling (
40). A study involving psychiatric patients, including 20 individuals diagnosed with psychotic disorders, indicated that shame—considered a more pathological emotion than embarrassment—may be elevated in individuals with schizophrenia (
41).
Guimón et al. (
42) conducted a study comparing five groups in terms of shame and guilt. The five groups included 20 individuals with depressive disorder, 12 with bipolar disorder, 15 with anxiety disorder, 15 with psychotic disorder, and 17 with personality disorders (either borderline or antisocial). The mean age of the psychiatric sample was 40.25 years. The comparison group consisted of 93 medical students selected from second- and third-year cohorts. According to the findings of Guimón et al. (
42), the mean shame scores were highest among individuals with depression, followed by the comparison group, those with antisocial or borderline personality disorders, those with bipolar disorder, and finally individuals with schizophrenia. Regarding guilt, the mean scores were highest in the depressive group, followed by the comparison group, then the bipolar group, the schizophrenia group, the antisocial or borderline personality disorder group, and lastly the anxiety disorder group. The study by Guimón et al. (
42) aligns with the current study in that individuals with depression reported higher levels of shame and guilt than the normal group. However, it diverges from our findings in that individuals with bipolar disorder and schizophrenia in their study reported lower levels of shame and guilt than the comparison group.
In individuals with major depressive disorder (MDD), elevated tendencies toward both shame and guilt have been reported using various assessment tools (
36). Guilt and self-disgust grounded in empathy have been associated with depressive symptoms, and this association remained significant even after controlling for levels of shame (
43). Self-disgust was found to be related to overly generalized forms of guilt, such as omnipotent responsibility guilt and survivor guilt (
44).
Highfield et al. (
24) investigated the experience of self-conscious emotions in individuals with bipolar disorder, unipolar depression, and non-psychiatric controls. In the bipolar group, higher levels of shame and lower levels of guilt proneness were observed. Higher levels of shame were found in the unipolar group compared with both the bipolar and control groups. Depression scores were positively correlated with trait shame and shame proneness, accounting for a significant portion of the variance. Bipolar scores were negatively correlated with trait shame (internalized) and guilt proneness. In Highfield et al.'s study (
24), trait shame was higher in the unipolar group than in the bipolar group, and higher in the bipolar group than in the control group—findings consistent with our study. Similarly, shame proneness was highest in the unipolar group, followed by the bipolar group, and lowest in the control group, which also aligns with our findings. However, guilt proneness in the unipolar group was higher than in the control group, supporting our results, whereas it was lower in the bipolar group than in the control group, which is inconsistent with our findings. Evidence in the literature suggests that individuals diagnosed with bipolar disorder tend to score in a defensive and self-serving manner on explicit measures, while exhibiting self-deprecating bias on implicit measures (
24).
Recent studies in other psychotic populations, although using different criteria to assess shame, have linked the experience of shame to social rank. For example, in a study on first-episode psychosis, Birchwood et al. (
45) argued that social anxiety, which is often observed in schizophrenia, may be associated with a perceived loss of status resulting from mental health stigma. Individuals who experience social anxiety tend to report greater shame about their diagnosis, perceiving such a label as something that separates them from others. Recent research on social rank in bipolar disorder (
46) has associated mania with a heightened perception of elevated status. The differences observed between the bipolar and unipolar groups in terms of shame may be related to manic processes that foster an exaggerated sense of social rank. This may also align with other theories of bipolar disorder, such as the manic defense hypothesis.
Miller et al. (
47) investigated the experience of shame and guilt in individuals with first-episode schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorders. The first episode of schizophrenia—typically defined as the initial five years of illness—constitutes a particularly challenging period of acceptance and adjustment for both patients and their families. As part of this process, feelings of shame and guilt regarding the diagnosis of schizophrenia are common and must be addressed by clinicians in ways that are sensitive to the deeply rooted emotions patients may have about being stigmatized. Miller and colleagues (
47) described therapeutic approaches and provided examples based on their work with 71 patients in the early stages of schizophrenia, many of whom experienced intense feelings of worthlessness that were reflected in their speech and behavior as expressions of guilt and shame. In a related study, Park et al. (
48) found that external shame, internal shame, and guilt were more prevalent in the psychiatric control group (individuals with depression) than in the schizophrenia group. Moreover, in the medical control group (patients with arthritis), levels of external shame, guilt, and internal shame were lower than in the psychiatric control group but higher than in those with schizophrenia.
Two emotions that are often overlooked during the early phase of treatment are shame and guilt—feelings that frequently persist even after the successful management of psychotic symptoms. Shame, typically distinguished from guilt by its stronger association with harsh self-condemnation, may be more prevalent among patients. Nevertheless, both emotions are likely to occur in young individuals diagnosed with schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder. Although most clinicians are likely aware of the presence of shame or guilt in their patients, they may not fully grasp the intensity or clinical consequences of these emotions for successful treatment outcomes (
47). In countries such as India and Japan, social stigma driven by feelings of guilt and shame has been identified as a major factor influencing patients and their families to avoid seeking treatment (
49).
A diagnosis of mental illness—particularly schizophrenia—is often accompanied by social stigma and the emotions of shame and guilt. Shame appears to be closely tied to social ideals and values that are internalized by the individual. From an early age, children learn the significance of exposure and quickly become aware of how they are perceived by others (
50).
Stigma and cultural norms may have influenced shame in our study. Collectivist cultures may intensify shame, and modesty and shame are often socially valued in Iranian culture, potentially increasing feelings of shame. Stigma is a social issue rather than an individual problem or an inherent component of illness. Stigma may be a major barrier to initiating and continuing treatment and rehabilitation for mental illness.
Malhi et al. (
51) demonstrated that individuals with bipolar disorder exhibit greater difficulty recognizing expressions of disgust than healthy control groups. Experiences of disgust and hatred are considered distinct affective states characterized by parasympathetic activation, avoidant behavior, and feelings of repulsion. Throughout cultural evolution, additional factors have been associated with the emotion of disgust (
51). Specific phobias, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), depression, and eating disorders are among the common syndromes believed to involve altered disgust processing (
52). In the most commonly used experimental approach, psychiatric patients are shown facial expressions depicting disgust alongside other facial expressions. In a study by Lembke and Ketter (
53), individuals with bipolar disorder in a manic phase showed impaired ability to recognize expressions of disgust and fear compared with healthy controls. In contrast, Harmer et al. (
16) observed selective recognition of disgust in euthymic individuals with bipolar disorder. Compared with the healthy group, bipolar patients demonstrated facilitated recognition of disgust, which is consistent with our findings.
Schienle et al. (
54) investigated disgust sensitivity in psychiatric disorders using a questionnaire-based study. Their findings indicated that disgust sensitivity and hatred were higher in both men and women with schizophrenia than in those with depression, and higher in depressed individuals than in the healthy population. Ille et al. (
15) examined increased tendencies toward hatred in schizophrenia. They compared disgust proneness, trait anger, trait anxiety, and hatred among 69 patients with schizophrenia, 68 with depression, and 70 psychologically healthy individuals. Patients with schizophrenia reported greater overall disgust proneness than healthy individuals. While food-related disgust was particularly salient in schizophrenia, death-related disgust was more pronounced in depressed patients. Women reported higher proneness to hatred than men. Both clinical groups showed elevated trait anxiety and trait anger compared with the control group. Moreover, depressed patients reported higher levels of expressed anger and even anger suppression than those with schizophrenia. Ille et al. (
15) also found a positive correlation between proneness to hatred and disgust sensitivity in both patient and control groups. The level of hatred was higher in schizophrenia than in depression, which is inconsistent with our findings, whereas it was higher in depression than in bipolar disorder, aligning with our results.
Culicetto et al. (
17), in a review study, examined hatred and disgust as transdiagnostic markers of mental illness in clinical populations. Disgust is a fundamental emotion of rejection, functioning as an ancestral defense mechanism against disease. It may serve as a transdiagnostic indicator of psychopathology. Compared with healthy populations, individuals with psychiatric disorders exhibit abnormal processing of disgust (
17). Evidence suggests that individuals diagnosed with major depressive disorder (MDD) are more likely to report feelings of self-directed hatred than guilt or shame (
55). A study conducted by Ypsilanti (
56) investigated the mediating role of self-disgust in the relationship between loneliness and depression. The findings indicated that higher levels of loneliness were associated with greater self-disgust, suggesting that self-disgust may mediate the link between loneliness and depressive symptoms.
Simpson et al. (
57) demonstrated that self-disgust mediates the relationship between childhood adversity and psychosis. Theoretically and clinically, self-disgust may be useful for understanding the development and persistence of psychotic experiences (
57). Joiner et al. (
58) examined the relationship between self-hatred and suicidality in individuals exhibiting symptoms across the schizophrenia spectrum. In Study 1, involving 243 outpatient military-affiliated individuals with suicidal ideation, self-hatred and suicidality were more strongly associated among those with schizotypal symptoms than among other patients. In Study 2, which included 113 psychiatric inpatients, self-hatred and suicidality were more prominent among individuals with schizophrenia than among those diagnosed with major depressive disorder. Joiner et al. (
58) suggested that self-hatred should be considered a central factor in suicide risk assessment among individuals with schizophrenia.
When individuals with bipolar disorder experience jealousy, it may be intensified by the symptoms of their illness. They may construct entirely imaginary scenarios centered on perceived injustices. Instead of expressing gratitude, they may nurture feelings of anger and distress. Masiran et al. (
59) demonstrated that pathological jealousy can be reactivated during mood episodes. Despite its potential risks for both homicide and suicide, pathological jealousy is a rare and often underestimated condition. Early identification and treatment of pathological jealousy, as well as the underlying primary psychiatric disorder, are crucial for preventing serious consequences—particularly in individuals with a significant forensic psychiatric history. Interviews with individuals presenting with jealousy should include an assessment of marital relationships, sexual history, and past incidents of domestic violence.
Singh et al. (
27), in a cross-sectional descriptive study, examined the phenomenology and predisposing factors of pathological jealousy in an open psychiatric setting. Their results indicated that pathological jealousy was twice as prevalent in men as in women. The highest prevalence was observed among participants with higher secondary education, middle socioeconomic status, and psychiatric diagnoses of schizophrenia, followed by depression. The absence of a significant difference in jealousy between the schizophrenia and bipolar groups may relate to the use of a total jealousy score without separate examination of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral dimensions. Disgust sensitivity is positively correlated with the spontaneous activity of the right superior frontal cortex and negatively correlated with the spontaneous activity of the right cerebellum crus II, which are inhibition-related brain regions (
60). Activations for both shame and guilt are found in the temporal lobe. Specific activations for shame are found in the frontal lobe (middle and inferior frontal lobes) and for guilt in the amygdala and insula (
61).
5.1. Study Limitations
Our findings may have been influenced by differences in the characteristics of the psychiatric sample compared with the control group. Nevertheless, it is generally preferable to select a comparison sample with minimal sociodemographic differences relative to the study cohort. To facilitate a more nuanced understanding of behavioral patterns across psychiatric disorders, there is increasing advocacy for adopting dimensional diagnostic approaches along a continuum, rather than relying exclusively on categorical diagnoses as employed in current classification systems. Such an approach better captures the heterogeneous nature of symptoms, the absence of clear diagnostic boundaries, and enables improved symptom characterization.
Despite the inclusion of a control group, sample sizes remain relatively modest; however, the data retain clinical relevance. Key variables such as illness duration and socioeconomic status were not assessed, potentially influencing variations in emotional experience. The present study did not differentiate among manic subtypes, as further stratification would have undermined statistical power given the sample size. Differences among groups in marital status, education level, and employment status may also have affected the results and should be considered in future research. The study did not examine the effects of psychotropic medications, such as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors and antipsychotics, on emotion scores. Future studies should examine the potential impact of medications on emotions of disgust, shame, guilt, and jealousy. Further research should use a larger sample size and consider the limitations of our study, particularly the types and doses of medications used by patients.
5.2. Future Directions
Future research should integrate dimensional diagnostics alongside categorical classifications. A more refined understanding of the experiences of shame, guilt, jealousy, and disgust within these disorders may support the implementation of compassionate mind training as an adjunctive psychotherapeutic intervention. Future investigations with larger cohorts allowing for subtype analyses are warranted. Although these findings should be considered preliminary until replicated by further studies, they offer valuable theoretical insights and hold promise for informing targeted intervention strategies. Specifically, they underscore the potential utility of disgust, shame, guilt, and jealousy as transdiagnostic constructs in psychiatric research and treatment. Given that the type and dose of medications may affect mood and emotional processing, future studies should consider the type and dose of medications used by patients.
5.3. Conclusions
The findings of this study demonstrated significant differences in the experiences of shame, guilt, jealousy, and disgust across the examined groups. Specifically, feelings of shame, guilt, disgust, and jealousy were highest among patients with depression, followed by those with schizophrenia, then bipolar disorder, and lowest among healthy controls. Based on these results, there is a clear need to develop and implement targeted psychological interventions addressing these emotional experiences—particularly guilt, shame, jealousy, and disgust—in these patient populations.