This study investigated the direct and indirect relationships among the five dimensions of dysfunctional metacognitive beliefs, academic expectations stress, and academic performance among upper secondary school students in Jiroft County, Iran. Consistent with prior empirical investigations (
18,
19), all five dimensions of dysfunctional metacognitive beliefs, namely negative beliefs about the uncontrollability and danger of thoughts, positive beliefs about worry, cognitive self-consciousness, low cognitive confidence or lack of trust in memory and attention, and need to control thoughts, were significantly associated with lower academic performance. This finding aligns with Wells' metacognitive theory (2009), which posits that dysfunctional metacognitive beliefs activate the cognitive attentional syndrome, characterized by persistent worry, rumination, and threat monitoring, which together consume attentional resources and impair executive functions necessary for effective learning (
20). Notably, negative beliefs about uncontrollability and danger exerted the strongest direct negative effect, underscoring the particularly harmful role of perceiving one’s own thoughts as threatening and uncontrollable. In parallel, academic expectations stress also directly and negatively predicted academic performance, corroborating the stress-performance literature and Lazarus and Folkman's transactional model (1984), whereby academic demands appraised as exceeding available resources disrupt concentration and motivation (
21). However, the direct effect of metacognitive beliefs on performance was considerably larger than that of stress, indicating that dysfunctional metacognitions are more powerful proximal determinants of academic achievement than stress alone, consistent with studies showing that cognitive vulnerabilities often underlie stress responses (
9,
12).
A more nuanced pattern emerged regarding specific dimensions and academic expectations stress. Only three dimensions, namely positive beliefs about worry, cognitive self-consciousness, and low cognitive confidence, positively predicted academic expectations stress. In contrast, negative beliefs about uncontrollability and danger and need to control thoughts did not significantly predict stress; rather, they operated solely as direct predictors of performance, presumably through attentional deficits, avoidance behaviors, or impaired self-regulation rather than stress appraisal. This pattern partially aligns with earlier studies (
22-
24) but further indicates that not all metacognitive beliefs equally drive stress. Drawing on Lazarus' cognitive appraisal theory (1984), students who excessively monitor their thoughts, believe worry facilitates coping, or lack trust in their memory are more likely to perceive academic expectations as threatening. Conversely, believing that thoughts are dangerous or must be controlled may directly impair cognitive performance through sustained attentional disengagement, bypassing affective stress pathways. Consequently, academic expectations stress served as a significant partial mediator only for positive beliefs, self-consciousness, and cognitive confidence, whereas negative beliefs and need to control thoughts exerted purely direct effects (
25). This dimension-specific mediation extends previous research emphasizing emotional mechanisms in transmitting cognitive variables to academic outcomes (
11). Theoretically, integrating Wells' framework with stress models suggests that some beliefs, such as positive beliefs, first elevate stress, thereby depleting resources, whereas others, such as negative beliefs, directly harm cognitive efficiency.
The socioeconomic context of Jiroft County warrants consideration. Jiroft faces high unemployment, identified as a primary driver of social harm; widespread drug-related incarceration; substance abuse as a major cause of divorce and family disputes; child maltreatment; acute family conflicts; and social anomalies such as an identity crisis, isolation, and weakening of religious values. In the absence of life skills education and recreational facilities, students may be predisposed to maladaptive metacognitive beliefs, particularly negative beliefs about uncontrollability and danger, which had the strongest effect, excessive self-consciousness, and low confidence. Family tensions and substance abuse may lead children to internalize beliefs that their thoughts are dangerous, thereby increasing vulnerability to academic stress (
14-
16). Compared with studies conducted in more stable contexts (
18), the stronger direct effects observed here suggest that environmental adversity amplifies the impact of dysfunctional metacognitions.
Several limitations must be acknowledged. The cross-sectional design precludes causal inferences, and longitudinal or quasi-experimental designs are needed. Reliance on self-report may introduce social desirability bias; future studies should use teacher reports or objective performance indicators. The sample from a single county limits generalizability, and replication in diverse contexts is essential. Potential confounders such as social support, socioeconomic status, and parenting styles were not measured. The very high explained variance raises the possibility of overfitting; therefore, independent replication is critical. Finally, other cognitive constructs, such as epistemic beliefs, were not examined. Despite these limitations, the study provides robust evidence that dysfunctional metacognitive beliefs, especially negative beliefs about uncontrollability, are powerful direct predictors of academic performance, exceeding the effect of stress, with a dimension-specific mediating role of stress. Educational interventions should prioritize metacognitive skills training, including modifying negative beliefs and reducing excessive self-consciousness, alongside stress management. Given Jiroft's adversities, such interventions may be especially impactful when combined with family-based support and life skills education.
5.1. Conclusions
The findings indicate that dysfunctional metacognitive beliefs directly and, to a lesser extent, indirectly explain lower academic achievement. All five dimensions, namely negative beliefs about uncontrollability and danger, positive beliefs about worry, cognitive self-consciousness, cognitive confidence, and need to control thoughts, directly predicted poorer performance, with negative beliefs showing the strongest effect. Positive beliefs, self-consciousness, and cognitive confidence also indirectly reduced performance by increasing academic expectations stress, whereas negative beliefs and need to control thoughts operated only directly. Thus, students with maladaptive metacognitive beliefs perform worse mainly because these beliefs deplete cognitive resources and partly through elevated stress. Educational interventions should target metacognitive skills, particularly modifying negative beliefs and excessive self-consciousness, and stress management, with parent and teacher involvement. The model's high explanatory power (R2 = 0.87) supports the centrality of metacognitive beliefs in academic outcomes.