In this study, the notion of CV was employed to estimate the cost of a cigarette tax to smokers. Our estimates showed that in absolute terms, the amount of compensation to erase direct welfare loss from increasing the price of cigarettes is much greater for high-income smokers. However, the highest loss is suffered by households of the poorest quintile, who should afford 1.41%, 2.47%, and 3.20% more budget, in the long run, to stay at the same well-being as before, since poor smokers generally spend a larger share of their budget on tobacco than wealthier ones. Although taxation of tobacco products is at the core of the framework convention on tobacco control (FCTC), which was ratified by the Iranian Parliament in 2005, some policymakers have invoked the regressivity of tobacco excise taxes as an argument to oppose tax increases. This argument is based on the fact that increased taxes accrue disproportionately to the poor households, who spend a higher percentage of their disposable income on smoking than the well-off households (
14).
According to the findings, the expenditure elasticity of cigarettes is positive and greater than one for poorer quintiles, indicating cigarette smoking is a luxury good for them, which mean that when a smoker’s income (expenditures) increases, the cigarette budget share in total expenditures escalates. The results of the current study confirm those of Sahabi et al. (
15), who found that the price elasticity of tobacco group for richer households (income deciles nine and ten) is greater than one. This finding also is in agreement with estimated elasticities for Lebanon (-1.54) (
16). Many studies on cigarette elasticity using the AIDS model found that elasticity ranges from -0.33 (in Spain) (
17) to -1.188 (in the U.S.) (
18). A range of evidence-based policy and program interventions to design requires identifying those who have been most harmed and the quantity of that harm. The results of cigarette price elasticities indicate that richer smokers are more sensitive to price changes than the poorer equivalents. Therefore, the government should take twofold measures; increase cigarette prices by international levels to attain the targets that are in line with tobacco control programs and targeted support of households, who are more vulnerable. The findings indicate that the demand for cigarettes in Iran is relatively price- sensitive. Thus, concerning direct welfare loss from the cigarette taxation reform in Iran, and focusing on low-income groups, such a policy can be considered as regressive. In response to the regressive nature of sin taxes, leading experts recommend that a corrective tax might provide greater benefits to the disadvantaged than the well-off. Smoking, for instance, is causally associated with developing lung cancer, stroke, heart diseases, and other adverse health impacts that disproportionately affect low-income families (
5). In this regard, a study conducted in China demonstrated that people of the lowest socioeconomic status gained a higher proportion of health benefits compared with the additional tax burden they would bear (
19). The main point of our analysis is that smokers in the two bottom quintiles representing 40% of the Iranian population bear only 29% of the tax burden arising from the cigarette price increase, whereas that is 27% for the richest quintile. This evidence is sufficient to conclude that a large proportion of excise tax revenue as a result of raising cigarette prices would be paid by richer smokers. Therefore, redistributive pro-poor policies might mitigate the welfare loss to the poorer smokers, and reduce social and economic inequalities. Moreover, it should be noted that consumers do vary in the value of marginal utility from an extra dollar saved (
5). The findings offer valuable evidence to inform decisions about tobacco taxation as an instrument for upholding tobacco-control programs and compensating welfare loss for the most affected households.
Our study has several strengths. This study demonstrated, for the first time, the cost of taxing cigarettes in Iran using the CV approach. The key strength of this study is its nation-wide representative data set, indicating that our analyses were performed to estimate the cigarette demand system. Moreover, rich data on some household financial indicators, such as income and expenditure for different groups of commodities were available. There are several limitations. First, due to the lack of data, this paper cannot provide a comprehensive review of consequences in both the health and non-health domains. To access the total health and financial impacts of cigarette taxation from the societal vantage point, a variety of costs accrued by the formal sector (for example, healthcare and the environment) should be regarded. Second, cigarette prices in Iran vary depending on its brand, allowing smokers to switch to lower-priced brands in reaction to taxes increase. Due to the lack of data, we could not examine how changes in relative prices may lead to a substitution effect in consumer behavior. However, further research needs to be done to quantify the magnitude of the switching effect and identify smokers who are more likely to switch to determine an optimum level of taxation. Third, we assumed that excise tax would be fully passed onto the consumers, if it was not fully (but partially) passed onto them, the welfare loss from taxing tobacco would be undermined.