The mean values of the two studied groups were in contrast to each other. Officials ranked almost all items higher than health workers did, and they possessed positive and coherent attitudes toward current healthcare rationing. In contrast, health workers exhibited aversion against the current rationing, and the SD value of choices by health workers was larger than that of officials. The study showed that local health rationing practice is a matter of political and value preference rather than an evidence-based and technical choice. Officials preferred equity and accountability, fair procedure, and putting health workers’ needs first, but they were not willing to share the power in making decisions on the distribution of resources.
In line with other research findings, local health decision making is not evidence-based, and the criteria of public health resource allocation, programmatic mandates, funding restrictions, local stakeholders, and workforce capacity appear to be more important than other factors, such as research evidence and perceived community needs (
11). According to a similar study, economic analyses and needs assessments were used in setting priorities by less than 50% of local health officers in the US. Health workers’ expectations were influential, but direct public input had a low impact on the allocation decisions (
12).
In the priority criteria area, the severity of the disease, fair distribution, local financial burden, public satisfaction, social values, and management experience trump cost-effective and evidence-based policy-making in officials’ attitudes. This finding is similar to another study demonstrating that the equality of healthcare seems more vital than cost-utility principles (
13). My result is also in line with the other study result that equity, justice, and solidarity are the ethical basis of health priority setting, and medical needs and cost-effectiveness are also determined in decision making (
14). The allocation of decision-making relies on the interaction of elements in situations that influence the individual’s rational choice (
15). Different preferences in rationing criteria may mean that health workers disliked the criteria to bolster the promotion of the official or simply for easy control. The financial burden of disease, social values, and management experience were more important than cost-effectiveness and evidence-based policymaking in the eyes of officials. In addition, procedural justice was debated. The attitudes toward the fairness of the procedure were opposite, and the public believed that it is an unfair process according to the A4R framework. This study showed that health workers trust scholars and the media more than hospital officials and the government. Health workers are in favor of more power, but officials are averse to media or academic research. Furthermore, some officials expressed their dissatisfaction with media’s pro-patient stand as they are pro-public hospitals and doctors.
The reasons for the differences in the attitudes of the two studied groups can be attributed to the following reasons. Officials shared similar political ideals, which influence their rationing preference due to peer pressure within the bureaucracy. To follow the image of a responsible public servant, officials’ perception of their ideal image supports a more optimistic attitude in a fair priority setting. In contrast, negative attitudes and low satisfaction emerged in the assessment of health workers. First, low participation may diminish health workers’ trust when the decision-making process is not transparent and inclusive. The opacity of decision-making processes is one of the obstacles (
16,
17). Some studies also list nine evaluation criteria of public involvement in health resource allocation decision making, such as fair process and adequate opportunity for participation (
18). In my study, health workers expressed disappointment in healthcare rationing and its justification. The large SD value obtained from health workers’ choice showed that health workers’ point of view was often fragile and hard to determine. Furthermore, the study showed that health workers are unsatisfied with the current health rationing. The perception of people was different in terms of being in the center of rationing power or not. Health workers’ dissatisfaction, in turn, played a deviant role in rationing. Health workers may have more complaints than the general public as they are executors in daily work without real bargaining power in health rationing decision making. High expectations of officials and dissatisfaction from health workers may enlarge the gap of mistrust.
The study has some limitations. The convenient sampling may seem biased, but as the topic is highly specific and cannot be answered by the general public, the targeted population may be the better representatives. Furthermore, as the topic of priority setting is more advanced than the old pattern of following upper government orders without the priority setting process, respondents’ expectation or assessment may be limited by the lack of experience or personal prejudice. Thus, more interviews are needed to explore the complexities of practice and to find out how to make a satisfactory local health rationing.
5.1. Conclusions
In Chongqing, officials’ value preferences influence the local rationing more than any other stakeholders. In this study, two sides of rationing attitudes coexisted. Officials believed they were positive and put the public first. However, health workers believed the opposite. Officials ranked highly on the procedural factors but did not accept the participation of health workers. They trusted other officials rather than outside stakeholders. The low-grade and unsatisfying responses from health workers may originate from the insufficient involvement in rationing. The divergence of attitudes should be a priority for local health policy-makers because unsatisfied health workers may challenge the justification of policies and the sustainability of local officials’ rationing. Suggestions for local policymakers can be summarized in three ways. First, we should make the health rationing decision-making process transparent and open to the public. Second, from officials’ perspective, evidence-based health decision-making is insufficient and should be improved. Third, communicating with the public is important to improve public satisfaction and make health rationing accountable for public interests.