According to the fact that human beings are at the center of developmental issues and health is the most effective factor in promoting development, if necessary reforms in health status of the society, especially children, are not done, achieving developmental goals including millennium development goals (MDGs) seems inconceivable; because four objectives of MDG directly refer to children’s health and nutritional status (
1). Childhood is a critical period in human life because important health events occur in this period. This course can be a source for inequality in one's life (
2). Many diseases and disorders have roots in childhood (
3). Therefore, health in early years of life and socioeconomic characteristics of the household determine the health model and lifestyle in future years of life (
4). The first two years of life is especially the most important period for children’s growth and development, thus children’s health in this period plays a significant role in their physical, mental and social performance in the future. One factor that can affect children’s health is the increased chance of mother’s participation in the job market. It is possible that mother’s participation in the job market is a function of their level of education. Whether mother’s employment can really improve children’s health is vague. On one side, it is possible for the child to suffer from mother’s work outside the home, for example, deprivation from mother’s love through a hug and less time spent on the child. On the other hand, participation in the job market provides a higher income for the household and it results in an increase in medical information, so families spend more money for their children’s health (
5). As mentioned above, the effect of mothers’ employment on children’s health is vague in theory. One of the simplest mechanisms is that mothers’ employment has a positive effect on children’s health because of the increase in household income and consequently household expenditure on health (
3,
6). On the other hand, if children’s health is defined as the time that mothers devote for preparing healthy foods, a healthy environment at home, and care for their children, it can be said that mother’s employment can limit these activities (
7); thus, mothers’ employment may negatively affect children’s health. Sometimes mothers are forced to work in order to provide health care services for their children; indeed, health status is an important factor in mothers’ decision to participate in the job market. Therefore, not only mothers’ employment can affect children’s health status, children's health can also affect mothers’ decision to participate in the job market. Therefore, this relationship is mutual (
5). Moreover, the mothers’ decision to participate in the job market is related to their skills, preferences, and abilities; mothers may decide to participate in the job market to use their capacities and skills, for self-satisfaction, due to their aversion to work at home, and so on. Also mothers’ employment may have benefits for children like allowing the purchase of healthy foods and providing health care for the family. However, it can reduce mothers’ ability and time to care for children; this results in a decrease in children’s healthy and useful activities; for example, children may be malnourished or tend towards sedentary entertainments (such as video games). Although children in low-income families may benefit from mothers’ employment because of increasing household income, dependency on non-maternal care services may make them sensitive and vulnerable. Some harmful effects of mothers’ employment on children's health emerge as respiratory and gastrointestinal diseases, ear pain, distress, etc. (
8).
According to the UNICEF report in 2014, one third of deaths in under-five-year-old children occur as a result of malnutrition. One of the indexes used to assess malnutrition is Height for Age Z-scores (HAZ) that is also known the Stunting Index. Approximately one in every four under-five-year-old child, i.e. 165 million or 26% in 2011, suffered from stunting around the world (
9). In Iran, stunting decreased from 8.1 in 1995 to 4.8 in 2004. Also, the proportion of under-five-year-old children, who are underweight, to all under-five-year-old children has decreased from 13.8 in 1990-1995 to 4.1 in 2006 - 2012 (
10). However, these proportions are 17.5 and 3.9 for the whole world, respectively (
9). These statistics suggest that although Iran’s underweight index in 1990 - 1995 was better than the whole world, it is more than the world’s statistics in 2006 - 2012. In other words, the prevalence of being underweight due to malnutrition in Iran is more than the whole world. In Iran, wasting index is 4% for children under-five-year-old while this index is 2.8% for the whole world (
9). Thus wasting index in Iran, was lower than the desirable level in 2006-2012. Also, job force participation rate as a percentage of total population of 15 to 64 year-olds increased in Iran from 45.09 in 2008 to 48.79 in 2012. This participation is not specific to males; but female’s participation rate in the job market has increased. Women’s participation rate as a percentage of total job force has increased from 17.01 in 2008 to 18.50 in 2012 (
11). According to official data, the prevalence of underweight and wasting due to malnutrition in Iran is more than the whole world while the participation rate of females has increased.
Empirical studies give different and conflicting results on the effect of mothers’ employment and education on children’s health. Mirzaee showed that parents’ education has positive effects on children’s health (
12). Homaee Rad et al. found that there is a negative relationship between mortality rate of children and per capita income, participation rate of women and women’s education (
13). Mostafavi indicated reported that the correlation between mothers’ education and mortality rate of children is weak, but it is greater in urban than rural areas (
14). Golalipour et al. showed the average weight and height of all newborns was higher in caesarian operations and these parameters were higher in newborns with mothers aged above 18 (
15). However, the direct effect of mothers’ education on reducing infant mortality was much higher than the effect of mothers’ participation in the job market. Some researches obtained contrary findings, i.e., the mother’s education level had no effect on children’s health (
16). There is a negative relationship between mothers’ participation and children's health; i.e. mothers’ employment does not result in improvement of children’s health status (
17). Mothers’ employment can increase the possibility of children’s obesity in societies with high economic and social standards (
18). The regression of parents’ employment on under-five-year-old children's health in China using the Ordered Probit model showed that parents’ education had a strong significant effect on children’s health status, and the impact of mother’s education on child’s health was stronger than father’s (
19). Moreover, boys’ health status was better than girls’ status. A reduction in parents’ education may significantly be related to a reduction in children’s health, abilities and school years (
20). According to Ruhm, the mothers’ employment on a group of children, who were 10-11 years old, had no effect on those with poor socioeconomic status (
21). In Bangladesh, father’s education proved more importance than mother’s education for children’s health (
22). The effect of parents’ education in addition to economic factors on children’s health may be statistically significant (
23). In America, the parents’ education and household income had positive relationships with reducing the rate of ten-year-old children’s mortality (
24). Father’s education is much more effective than mother’s on children’s health in developing countries (
2). In Korea, a significant relationship was reported between mothers’ education and children being overweight at low-income level (
25). The mother’s age, number of children, and being a daughter had positive effects on children being underweight in Ghana, however mother’s education had a negative effect on being underweight at birth (
26). Amone-P’Olak et al. stated that family income, parents’ education, and occupational status might significantly be related with children’s health (
27). The effect of mothers’ employment on the health of 7 - 17 year-old children has been affirmed (
7). The mothers at work in Kenya had healthier children, but mothers with higher education level did not have healthier children because mothers’ education negatively affected children’s health status (
28). In Malawi, a higher socioeconomic status caused improvement in children’s health; also, family’s education level had a positive impact on children’s health (
29). Better economic situation, higher education, prenatal care and living environment had significant effects on children being underweight at birth in Ghana (
30). A case study on Vietnamese children showed that no reduction occurred in health level of under 15-year-old children, yet family's income was an essential factor for children's health (
31).