Suicide is a critical issue globally, posing significant public health challenges. The 2019 World Health Organization (WHO) report indicates that suicide accounts for approximately 700 000 deaths annually (
1). Factors contributing to the underreporting of suicide statistics include societal stigma directed at individuals who have attempted suicide or families of those who have died by suicide (
2), the criminalization of suicide and suicide attempts in certain countries (
3), and the absence of insurance coverage for individuals seeking treatment after a suicide attempt (
4). Consequently, the estimated number of suicide attempts is much higher, believed to be around 20 times the number of completed suicides (
2,
3). Suicidality is multifaceted, with social, psychological, cultural, and economic factors playing roles in its onset. Notably, mental illnesses (especially depression and alcohol misuse), a family history of suicide, financial setbacks, or chronic pain significantly increase the risk of suicidal behavior (
4-
6).
Particularly during severe crises and the COVID-19 pandemic, many individuals refrain from seeking help due to the stigma associated with mental health issues and suicidality (
7). Link and Phelan conceptualize societal stigma through interconnected components: labeling those affected as different, applying stereotypes, creating a division between "us" and "them," leading to loss of status and ensuing discrimination, drawing on sociologist Goffman's definition of stigma (
8,
9).
In the context of suicide stigma, having suicidal thoughts is perceived as a distinguishing trait, separating affected individuals from others. This label is linked to negatively perceived stereotypes, such as the belief that "suicidal individuals lack willpower," fostering adverse emotional reactions and annoyance towards this group. Such processes underpin the segregation between “us” and “them,” paving the way for discrimination, such as avoiding or disregarding individuals dealing with suicidality (
10,
11).
Barriers to suicide prevention are significantly influenced by suicide stigma (negative attitudes and behaviors towards individuals who have attempted suicide) and suicide literacy (general awareness about suicide prevention) (
12). Individuals with higher levels of suicide literacy and lower levels of suicide stigma tend to have more positive attitudes towards those contemplating suicide (
13). Several studies have highlighted the detrimental effects of suicide stigma, such as increasing the risk of suicide (
14,
15), diminishing help-seeking behavior and engagement with professional services (
16,
17), and fostering negative perceptions of mental health service utilization (
8,
18). These adverse impacts have positioned suicide stigma as a primary target for suicide prevention initiatives. Moreover, inadequate suicide literacy can negatively influence individuals experiencing suicidal thoughts or behaviors. Those harboring misconceptions and incorrect beliefs about risk factors, symptoms, and outcomes of suicide are more prone to suicidal ideation or attempts, particularly in contexts where suicide is glorified and stigma is prevalent. Insufficient literacy also impedes the pursuit of professional services and reduces interactions with mental health professionals (
19,
20).
While the link between mental illness and susceptibility to suicide is often underscored, stigmatizing attitudes and suicide literacy also play a critical role in shaping suicidal thoughts and behaviors (
13). Consequently, various scales have been developed and validated globally in recent years to specifically address suicide-related stigma and enhance suicide literacy, including the Suicide Stigma Assessment Scale (SSAS) (
11), the Stigma of Suicide Attempt Scale (STOSA), the Stigma of Suicide and Suicide Survivor Scale (STOSASS) (
21), and the Literacy of Suicide Scale (LOSS) (
13).
The trend of suicide deaths in Iran has been on the rise, with recent decades witnessing the most significant increases among countries in the Eastern Mediterranean Region (EMR) and Islamic nations. In Islamic cultures, suicide is considered forbidden. However, the actual rate of suicide attempts might be underreported due to religious or cultural stigma and legal implications (
22). Iran's national policies have been insufficiently effective in preventing suicide, necessitating immediate action (
16). These circumstances contribute to the taboo surrounding suicide, making it a less discussed topic. In recent years, Iran's healthcare system has initiated a national suicide prevention program primarily focused on education and awareness, yet research on suicide stigma and literacy within Iran has been limited, mostly exploring the experiences of those who have survived suicide attempts (
23-
25). The availability of reliable and valid instruments to measure these two aspects can enhance the understanding of suicide-influencing factors.
The Stigma of Suicide Scale (SOSS) and LOSS were created to assess these aspects globally (
8,
13). The short forms of the SOSS and LOSS scales are straightforward and easily administered within the general population. The brevity of these questionnaires facilitates their use in large-scale screenings by various stakeholders. These questionnaires have been translated into multiple languages, including English, Turkish, Chinese, German, Nepali, and Arabic, with reported high validity and reliability (
20,
26-
30). These scales were initially validated using a university-based sample.