Suicidal ideation (SI), referring to persistent thoughts of ending one’s life, represents a significant public health concern (
1). Research suggests that approximately 12% of individuals experiencing SI may attempt suicide within a five-year period (
2). Globally, about 10% of the general population report SI, with rates reaching up to 20% among students (
3,
4). Among the various psychological factors associated with SI, loneliness has emerged as a particularly salient issue (
5). Defined as the perceived discrepancy between desired and actual social connections, loneliness is not limited to clinical populations but is increasingly prevalent among university students and young adults (
6-
8). Although SI and loneliness are distinct concepts, they are closely related (
9,
10). Numerous studies (
11,
12) have confirmed a positive correlation between them, suggesting they may share common underlying mechanisms.
Based on existing literature, social anxiety (SA) appears to play a significant role in the development of both SI and loneliness. The SA is characterized by a persistent fear of being negatively judged in social situations and affects approximately 12.1% of individuals at some point in their lives (
13,
14). While loneliness has been associated with various psychiatric conditions, the connection appears particularly robust in the context of SA (
15). Also, available evidence indicates that up to one-third of individuals with SA may experience SI, with prevalence estimates around 16% (
16,
17). According to the Interpersonal-Psychological Theory of Suicide (IPTS), SI is more likely to arise when individuals perceive themselves as burdensome (perceived burdensomeness) and feel alienated from others (thwarted belongingness) (
18-
20). Those with SA are particularly vulnerable to these perceptions, given their tendency to avoid social interactions and the resulting exacerbation of feelings of disconnection (
21). Furthermore, cognitive models (
22-
25) suggest that maladaptive beliefs and distorted interpretations of social experiences, often present in individuals with SA, may contribute to difficulties in establishing and maintaining meaningful relationships, thereby intensifying loneliness and elevating the risk of SI (
26-
28).
In the study by Liu et al. (
4), it was shown that 45.7% of students had various degrees of SA problems. Even subclinical levels of SA have been linked to significant psychological distress, emphasizing the importance of viewing SA along a continuum rather than as a categorical diagnosis (
29-
32). This aligns with dimensional approaches to psychopathology, which emphasize the importance of identifying thresholds along the symptom continuum to better detect those who may benefit from early intervention (
33).
Although several studies (
28,
34) have explored the association between SA and SI, research focusing on Iranian populations remains limited. This is especially important given that SI is shaped by psychological, cultural, and economic factors (
35), and growing evidence (
36,
37) shows a high prevalence of both SA and SI among Iranian university students. Therefore, further investigations on the relationship between these variables in the Iranian population are necessary.
Additionally, the emotional distress linked to SA may increase reliance on maladaptive coping mechanisms such as dissociative experiences (DE) (
38-
40). The DE, defined as a disruption in the normal integration of consciousness, memory, identity, emotion, or perception, often emerges as a defensive response to overwhelming stress (
13). These experiences can range from mild episodes to severe clinical disorders, with lifetime prevalence rates estimated at 1 - 2% in the general population and approximately 11.4% among university students (
13,
41). Although research on DE has traditionally concentrated on clinical populations, recent studies (
38,
39) highlight its relevance in non-clinical groups as well.
Therefore, findings suggest that individuals with higher levels of SA may be more prone to DE in response to perceived distress (
38,
39). On the other hand, DE has been conceptualized as both a reaction to psychological pain and a contributor to increased emotional suffering (
42,
43). In particular, DE can amplify distress and heighten vulnerability to SI by disrupting one’s sense of reality and fostering a sense of detachment from others (
42,
44). Consequently, DE may play a role in the development of loneliness and SI by undermining social functioning and impairing emotional regulation (
42,
44-
47). Specifically, DE has been linked to reduced use of adaptive strategies such as cognitive reappraisal and increased reliance on maladaptive strategies like emotional suppression, both of which are associated with diminished social support seeking and intensified loneliness (
46,
47). Taken together, this body of evidence suggests that DE may undermine interpersonal connections, deepen experiences of loneliness, and heighten the risk of SI as a means of escaping psychological pain (
42,
48,
49). Although previous research has examined the relationships between SA, loneliness, and SI individually, the potential mediating role of DE remains insufficiently explored. Clarifying these relationships could inform the development of more effective psychological interventions targeting university students and other at-risk groups.