According to the World Health Organization (
25) in 2009, among 147 countries worldwide, less than 50% had a specific budget for treating substance use disorders. Tax-based funding, out-of-pocket payments and social health insurance were among the foremost methods of funding treatment for alcohol and substance use disorders. Africa was the only region in which out-of-pocket payments were reported to be the main funding method for alcohol and substance use disorder treatment services. The opposite end of the spectrum is compulsory drug detention and rehabilitation centers which are generally operated by governments and are commonly seen in East and South Asia (
26). In the United States, substance use disorder treatment is financed primarily by federal block grants and state and local general revenues (
27). Subsidization of dispensing fee in community pharmacy-based MMT programs in Australia (
18) and subsidization of substance use treatment as a part of anti-viral therapy program in HIV-infected drug users in Indonesia (
17), India (
28), and United States (
29) are among various subsidization policies in the field of substance use treatment.
In Iran, the monthly fee for methadone substitution therapy in 2017 with an average daily dose of 80 mg was around IRR 1,280,000, which was equivalent to 14% of a full-time minimum wage. At the same time-period, abstinence-based residential programs had a fee around IRR 6,380,000 - 68% of a full-time minimum wage - for a four-week detoxification service. It is worth mentioning, however, that both programs charged their clients below the advertised fees for a marketing purpose. In 2017, the State Welfare Organization subsidized both types of maintenance treatment and abstinence-based residential service by IRR 1,000,000 and IRR 3,000,000, respectively. Moreover, the average nominal cost of Iranian households in 2017 was IRR 26,600,000 compared to nominal income of IRR 30,500,000 (
30), indicating an extremely narrow margin for treatment costs. This situation with no well-defined insurance coverage in place for substance use treatment, leads treatment clients and their families to so called catastrophic payment (
31).
A study in Vietnam (
32), recommended government subsidies for people of lower socioeconomic status entering substance use treatment. According to our study, only a limited number of methadone maintenance and abstinence-based residential facilities were enrolled in subsidization program with enrollment giving a market privileged position to those services in terms of attracting clients. We were unable to identify a standard method for selection of specific service to be enrolled in subsidization program. Also, inclusion of clients in the program did not follow a defined criterion and was exclusively based on program directors’ personal opinion. However, our analysis (
Table 4) showed that enrollment in subsidization program had played an encouraging role in seeking substance use treatment. Nevertheless, considering age, level of education, and income prior to admission to treatment as indicators for enrolling a client in subsidization program, our findings (
Table 2) show that, compared to residential facilities, the management of methadone maintenance services has made a meaningful differentiation between clients selected for enrollment in subsidization program and clients excluded from the program. Therefore, one may conclude that enrollment in subsidization program in maintenance treatment facilities followed a logical criterion based on age, level of education, and average income during three months prior to admission to the treatment.
Considering the remarkable role of economic indexes in treatment entry and retention (
18), although residential services did not measure any indicator of progress and outcome of their intervention, we decided that follow-up urine test for substances, available in methadone maintenance services, as an indicator for treatment effectiveness. Our comparison between methadone maintenance clients according to their enrollment in subsidization program status did not show a difference in their follow-up urine tests (
Table 3). In other words, we conclude that, at least in methadone maintenance services, subsidization of treatment did not result in a better outcome.
In the present study, among the subscales measured by ASI, family/social relationship of cost payers showed no difference between clients benefiting subsidization and normal clients in neither of the two services of methadone maintenance and abstinence-based residential treatment (
Table 5). Employment/support, legal, and psychiatric status, however, were subscales that had played a role for enrollment in subsidization program in methadone maintenance services but not in residential services. One could, therefore, conclude that the management of methadone maintenance services had been sensitive to those subscales as indicators for enlisting clients for treatment subsidization. It has been shown that subsidization of treatment for people with a lower willingness to pay would be an optimal strategy (
33). The results of current study indicated that psychiatric, medical, and substance use status of clients were associated with willingness to pay for treatment.
Considering that compared to methadone maintenance treatment, abstinence-based residential treatment programs are extremely ineffective, with relapse rates of 30% versus 85%, respectively (
34,
35), it seems that, economic-wise, subsidization of the former program would be of much higher rationale. Moreover, our study revealed that the process of selection of clients for subsidization in methadone maintenance services was to some extent according to identified indicators, where in abstinence-based residential services it followed no identified order. Furthermore, while treatment cost in abstinence-based residential programs is theoretically a one-time payment and in methadone maintenance program it is a continuous monthly payment the fraction of treatment fee that was subsidized, almost 80% of a single monthly fee, did not elicit any rational basis. In fact, almost the whole of an ineffective treatment (abstinence-based residential treatment) was subsidized, while only one monthly bill of a several years treatment program (methadone maintenance treatment) was covered.
According to the current study, the total reliance of the subsidization policy on the management of the two types of services for selection and enrollment of clients for subsidization program showed a great failure, at least for the part of abstinence-based residential services where enrollment followed no order and was mere random. We, however, would recommend that the subsidization policy should be converted into a more delicate health insurance policy.
5.1. Limitations
This was the first study to evaluate the effectiveness of substance use subsidization in Iran and could be a basis for further economic studies. As subjects in this study were from services that were already covered by subsidization program of the welfare organization, potential selection biases could have happened in our study. However, we tried to avoid this bias by including clients not enjoying subsidization program from same services as control group. Generalization of the results of this study to the average client seeking substance use treatment and to other methadone maintenance treatment and abstinence-based residential programs should be with caution. The more limited number of samples from abstinence-based residential services should add to cautious generalization of findings of this study. Another limitation of this study is that as a cross-sectional study it sought association between addiction severity and effectiveness of subsidization. Maybe, studies with acceptable follow-up period are needed to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the effectiveness of subsidization of substance use treatment.
5.2. Conclusions
Our study reviewed and compared the process of subsidization of substance use treatment in two different programs of abstinence-based residential treatment and methadone maintenance treatment. We found that enrollment for subsidized treatment in abstinence-based residential services did not follow an evidence-based rationale. While we were unable to measure subsidization effect on treatment outcome in abstinence-based residential treatment, it had no effect on methadone maintenance treatment.