Pregnancy and transition to motherhood is an experience that has the most transformative power in a woman's life (
1). In addition to physical transformations, pregnancy is associated with changes in mood, roles, relationships, and identity, which help the mother to adjust herself to the new circumstances, so that be prepared for her child (
2-
4). Transition to motherhood as a challenging period of imbalance is very stressful for a new mother as numerous studies have confirmed that pregnancy is a period of increased vulnerability to psychological problems (
5-
10).
Literature shows that depression is the most common psychological problem among perinatal mothers (
6,
10-
12). It can begin during pregnancy, which is called antenatal depression (AD), or after the infant birth known as postnatal depression (PD).
Although PD has been well documented, there is less research about AD. There is more concern about AD in developing countries, because of its higher prevalence. According to available data, AD prevalence varies among countries with different incomes and ranged from 4 to 81% (
11-
17). Based on a meta- analysis including 40 studies conducted in Iran, the prevalence of depression in Iranian pregnant women was estimated to be 41.2% (
18). This rate may be doubled or tripled if there are other risk factors, such as poverty or medical problems. As alarming as these rates may seems, they may underestimate the prevalence of AD, as up to 50% of all PD cases are undiagnosed and untreated (
19). Untreated depression during pregnancy can have serious consequences for both mother and fetus. AD was repeatedly proven to be a strong predictor of PD (
20-
25). AD increases the risk of preeclampsia, edema, premature rupture of membranes, hemorrhage, for pregnant women (
26-
30). Excessive weight gain, increased substance use, and severe headaches are other problems of AD for pregnant women (
31). For the offspring, AD can not only lead to preterm birth or low birth weight, but also has a persistent adverse effect on their neurological, behavioral, and emotional development (
30,
32,
33).
A maternal mental representation (MMRs) during pregnancy is one of the psychological mechanisms through which maternal depression affects the fetus. MMRs are both conscious and unconscious, and include the mother’s fantasies, fears, and hopes; expectations and perceptions concerning herself, her husband, or companion, her parents, and, in particular, her baby (
34). The concept of maternal representations was first introduced by the works of Winnicott (
35) and Bion (
36) from independent schools of Object Relations. They introduced the mother's fantasy life about her infant as one of the main components of building a child's sense of identity (
37).
Although other authors have described maternal representations, Stern (
37) has focused on a useful and comprehensive description of maternal representations in terms of schemas-of-being-with infant, herself, her wife, and her own mother. He introduced the concept of "motherhood constellation” as a new and unique psychic organization that a woman is placed on with her first pregnancy, and include certain psychological tasks that need to be mastered.
Beginning in the second trimester of pregnancy, as the fetus becomes more vigorous, the woman comes to differentiate herself from the baby inside, and from her internal mother. This usually leads to a change in perspective which affects the external relationship to her mother if she is still alive. “Paradoxically, acknowledgment of herself as joined to, yet different from, the mother in whom she herself grew, can increase a woman’s sense of responsibility for her own well-being, and therefore for that of the baby inside her” (
38). The difficult main task of a woman is to rebuild the relationship with her mother while at the same time creating a feeling of connection with the child and recognition of being separated from him or her (
39). The process of identification and differentiation from the baby and her own mother modifies the characteristics and capacities of maternity.
According to Stern (
37), the importance of maternal representations for early mother-infant-interaction is considered to lie in the fact that the most active representations are played out in interactive behavior. Maternal representations can influence the baby only through the mother’s overt interactive behavior and in a potentially meaningful form to the infant. For instance, a mother who represents herself as being rejected by her own mother, tends to reject her baby first, to protect herself; for example, this can take the form of breaking mutual eye contact with the child.
Previously Ammaniti et al. (
40) during a study with the aim of studying the content and the organization of maternal representations of a sample of non-clinical pregnant women, showed that primiparous mothers (i.e., mothers having their first babies) from the eight months of pregnancy, have representations of their babies that are different from their representations of themselves. They reported that these mothers tended to rate their own mothers lower than themselves. It is assumed that this is a way for new mothers to define their identity by idealizing their parents' characteristics and abilities. Adding a wide body of literature on the tendency toward differentiation from the maternal grandmother, Dieckmann and Pierrehumbert as cited in Wendland and Miljkovitch (
41) found that maternal representations reflect Infant's identification with its father during pregnancy, but the identification with the mother is stronger in the postpartum. Fava Vizziello et al. (
42) observed that from late pregnancy to the baby’s fourth month, the mother’s representation of her infant tended to become more different than that of herself as a woman and that of his partner as a man. It is a fact that authors interpreted it as a progressive creation of psychic space for the child.
Surprisingly, despite the importance of MMRs during pregnancy, only few studies (
43-
45) were conducted in this field on at-risk and clinical populations, such as depressed antenatal mothers. Pajulo et al. (
46) compared the content of maternal representations by IRMAG (Interview of Maternal Representations during Pregnancy) between a psychosocial risk group (n = 84) and a low-risk group (n = 296) of pregnant women. The representation profiles of the groups were different. In particular, the ratings of representation of partner and own mother-as-mother were more consistently and strongly negative among the risk mothers. In another study, Ammaniti et al. (
39) compared the MMRs of pregnant women in non-risk group to depressed and/or at psychosocial risk group. They reported a prevalence of Integrated/Balanced representations in non-risk mothers and a higher frequency of Not Integrated/Ambivalent representations in at-risk mothers.
In the most recent study Ahlqvist-Bjorkroth et al. (
47), by conducting a study to investigate the relationship among mothers' prenatal representations of marital distress and depressive symptoms, concluded that the level of maternal depressive symptoms was associated with the classification of prenatal representations. Hence, the mothers in the group with a high number of depressive symptoms more often had distorted prenatal representations (57%) than mothers in the group with a low number of depressive symptoms (14%). Ahlqvist-Bjorkroth et al. (
47) covered only the representations that the mother had towards her child. In both studies (
39,
46), risk factors were generally considered and the risk of depression was not distinguished from other psychosocial risk factors. On the other hand, in the mentioned studies (
39,
46,
47) the representations of women with depression symptoms were studied more in terms of structure than content.
Therefore, according to all considerations, our aim was to more accurate study of MMRs through the comparison of contents of maternal representations between depressed and non-depressed AD pregnant women. The hypothesis of the study was that depressed mother differs from non- depressed mothers in terms of their mental representations of themselves, the child, their partner, and their own mother. In particular, following questions were addressed:
- Are the representations depressed mothers have of their babies, themselves as mothers, their own mothers and their partners less positive or highly positive than those of non-depressed mothers?
- Is there a difference between depressed and non-depressed mothers in whether the representation of the child is more dependent on the representation of the spouse or on the representation of the self as a mother?
- Is there a difference between depressed and non-depressed women in terms of how they linked their representations of themselves as mother to their representations of their own mothers? (Identification or counter- identification)
Stern (
37), on the other hand, believes that cultural conditions play an important role to form the motherhood constellation. Apart from the study of Ilicali and Fisek (
48) that has done in Turkish society, little attention was paid to the cultural contexts differences and study of the representations of pregnant women in different societies. Therefore, according to the need to repeat these researches in different cultures, translating the Interview-R, version adapted for the antenatal period (
49) into Persian, along with drawing a preliminary content profile representing Iranian pregnant women, will be another aims of the present study.