Equitable access to the most cost-effective healthcare services is one of the major challenges faced by patients, providers and policy-makers during the past decades. Health provider payment methods are of crucial importance to this argument (
1,
2).
It is commonly argued that payment methods should be adjusted in such a way that is economically viable and affordable to patients and reflects the performance of providers and the quality and safety of care delivered to patients. It is also argued that payment mechanism can significantly influence provider efficiency and reduce unnecessary health spending (
3). These issues are more highlighted in countries where public and private sectors have a close interaction and can powerfully affect each other. Current evidence suggests that inappropriate application of payment methods may lead to misuse of scarce resources (
4-
6).
There are several payment and adjustment methods by which healthcare providers can be paid or reimbursed. The payment methods range from the so-called global payments (such as capitation and salary) at one end of the payment continuum to discounted fee for service and fee-for-service (FFS) at the other end (
6,
7).
In the global payment scheme, healthcare providers are paid a lump sum of money for a range of services provided to a defined number of population in a given time period such as a month or year. While under the capitation arrangement providers are paid per enrollee, not per service, salaried providers are paid a fixed amount which is not tied to enrollees or services rendered within a period of time. Under a FFS scheme, however, care providers are reimbursed for each individual procedure or service provided to patients, based on the usual and customary price charged in the local area or based on a fee schedule (i e, FFS) or pre-determined discount of the usual and customary charges in the local area (i e, discounted FFS).
The common payment adjustments include bonuses, retrospective utilization targets and withholds. Bonuses include extra payments given to providers at the end of a specific period of time. Retrospective utilization target is a financial benchmark applied by insurance companies or health plans to determine provider bonuses. Withhold funds include percentage of the capitation or FFS payment used to give financial risks to healthcare providers and may be returned to them at the end of the year as bonuses.
While the payment methods are commonly designed to influence treatment patterns, the payment adjustments are developed to influence both treatment and referral patterns (
8,
9). All of these payment and adjustment methods are reported useful for the primary healthcare and outpatient services (
10). Other payment methods span from line-item budgets through global budget to per diem and case-based payments. Diagnose based groups (DRGs), the widest classification system of hospital cases and mix of in-patients (i e, case-mix), was developed as part of the prospective payment method, and created to reflect the actual cost of treating patients for a variety of medical conditions (
11). The organization for economic co-operation and development (OECD) countries managed to apply an integration of the payment and adjustment methods. These countries mainly use FFS, capitation and salary payment methods for primary/preventive healthcare and outpatient services; and employ budget, per diem and case-based payments for hospital services (
12,
13). The UK and Canada, for instance, use per capita as an effective payment method for primary healthcare (PHC) services (
14). However, over the past decades there has been a tendency towards DRGs as a basis for case-based payment system. France benefits from FFS and capitation for registered patients visited by primary care doctors and from salary method for doctors in public hospitals (
15). A combination of global budgeting and other payment methods are major hospital payment methods in many OECD countries (
16). Experiences from these countries suggest that reforming provider payment mechanisms is useful to reduce the costs of healthcare. Yet, various contracting options and associated economic incentives exist for different payment mechanisms in different health contexts. What remains unclear is what payment methods can be applied to a specific health system, and how payment mechanisms work in such a system.
There is always controversy over the proper application of payment methods in Iran. Iran had a total population of around 78 million as of 2014, with a growth rate of 1.3. This trend is estimated to continue by 2030. Most recent data showed that the total health expenditure accounted for 6.7 of gross domestic product (GDP) as of 2012 (
17). As shown in
Table 1 health expenditure increased about US$ 74 per person from 2010 to 2012. Around 39% of the total health expenditure on public sector was paid by individuals in 2010, with an increase of 25% in 2012, and this trend continues to increase. Lack of an appropriate regulatory system in the country to effectively integrate FFS into the existing payment model largely contributes to this trend (
17,
18).
| Health Expenditure Indicators | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 |
|---|
| Health expenditure, total (% of GDPb) | 7.3 | 6.8 | 6.7 |
| Health expenditure per capita (current US$) | 416 | 483 | 490 |
| Health expenditure, public (% of total health expenditure) | 39.1 | 43.1 | 49.0 |
| Out-of-pocket health expenditure (% of private expenditure on health) | 88 | 88 | 88 |
aWorld Bank, data on health expenditure in Iran (2010-12), available at http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.XPD.OOPC.ZS
bGDP, gross domestic product.
Iran has a complex healthcare system of multiple public and private funders and providers of services, and three different but interconnected delivery levels that target patients. The first level of healthcare delivery refers to PHC services such as prenatal care and vaccinations. The PHC network was established in 1983 to decrease the inequity of access to health within and between rural and urban areas. Health houses in rural areas, urban health posts and health centers in urban areas were formed as the health system’s first point of contact with people. This network was managed via district health centers (
17,
19).
Secondary services are those healthcare and hospital services provided by medical/health specialists, and are largely located in the provincial capitals and metropolitan areas. The third level of healthcare delivery includes specialized, consultative healthcare for inpatient services, often through referrals from previous levels and within tertiary hospitals that are located in major cities (
17). The public sector provides a considerable part of secondary and tertiary healthcare services in each province; however the private sector focuses largely on the secondary and tertiary healthcare in urban areas of the country (
20).
Provider payment mechanism is historically rooted in FFS in Iran. FFS and per-case mechanisms are applied for outpatient services and visits, respectively. At the same time, salary and financial incentives paid to university faculty members and other physicians vary according to criteria such as complexity of procedure or specialty (
17). Ministry of Health and Medical Education (MoHME) pays a line budget to public hospitals, of which a large proportion is reimbursed to medical and ancillary personnel through salaries. Other staffs (e g, those employed by short-term contracts) are paid via hospital special revenue funds. The services delivered by hospitals are divided into two categories: There are 90 common surgery procedures (most common services used by Iranian patients) reimbursed via per-case payment method. Other services are paid in terms of FFS method whose fee schedules are determined according to relative value units (RVUs) (
17,
21). FFS (based on RVU fee schedule) was the prime payment mechanism in private hospitals (
17,
22). Yet, a considerable proportion of financial risks are shifted to both patients and (often insurance companies) where many physicians do not have any agreement with insurance companies and patients have to pay out of their pockets for the received service. Baghbanian in his commentary argued that considering the current health infrastructure, little flexibility exists to achieve equitable access to healthcare in a system hamstrung by a focus on historical funding, FFS payment method and isolated episodes of acute care, growing out-of-pocket expenses, workforce deficiencies and inadequate insurance coverage (
23).
An updated version of RVUs was recently applied concurrently with the launch of health sector evolution plan (HSEP) in 2014 to gauge healthcare prices much more realistically (
24). Accordingly, MoHME put the provider payment reform forward as one of its priorities on agenda in order to reach the goals of Iran’s Fifth five-year development plan (2010-2015) and Iran’s vision 2025 (
17). The HSEP was primarily commenced to pursue national reformatory strategies including interventions to address equity of access to health and payment challenges faced by patients, providers and insurance companies in the health sector (
25,
26). In an effort, for instance, physicians in regional and remote areas, received salary along with an amount of money called ‘special payment for deprived areas’ funded by MoHME and allocated via affiliated universities (
17,
22). It was initially believed that the proposed PPMs would sustainably improve the performance of staff, their satisfaction and thus system productivity in the remote areas (
26-
28); however, the current review revealed that each method has its own downsides. Although the health status of Iranian population has improved during the last decades, lack of efficient payment method at different levels of healthcare delivery is a major challenge, threatening the health system per se (
21,
23). FFS payment, for example, is frequently criticized for being an incentive for overutilization of services and supplier-induced demand, as it rewards volume and intensity instead of value (
6,
17,
23). Lack of a regulatory system to monitor FFS payment, brought some difficulties for health sector including acceleration in the rate of unnecessary services and increased expenses on health (
22,
23).
Challenges posed by mal-administration or misapplication of payment mechanisms in Iran resulted in an increase in out-of-pocket expenditure on health per capita (
29). According to Fazaeli et al., more than 2% of the population experience catastrophic health expenditure (
30). It is at these interfaces that over 75% of medical university chancellors argued that the current provider payment methods need to be adjusted to fit delivery of all kinds of services. They reported that ‘under the table’ payment requested from patients increased their out of pocket expenses, and thus caused a financial burden on them (
31).