These findings from the meta-analysis show that self-harm is a highly prevalent behavior in high-risk populations. The overall estimated prevalence of 34.49% suggests that more than one-third of the high-risk populations had engaged in self-harming behaviors. There was a noted gender difference, where women had a higher prevalence at 40.79%, compared to men with 31.86%. In a study conducted by Afzali et al. on patients with acute poisoning, the prevalence of self-harm was reported to be 38.3% (
34). Additionally, another study by Babakhanian et al. on patients with poisoning reported a prevalence of 7.9% (
35). Our study reports a self-harm prevalence of 34.49%, which is higher than some of the initial studies and lower than others. The differences in the findings between studies can be attributed to variations in the study designs and the populations examined. Furthermore, surveys from the United States reported self-harm prevalence ranging from 7 - 37% among studied participants (
45). A study in Ghana found lifetime self-injury prevalence at 20.2%, with 16.6% reporting past-year behaviors and 3.1% within the last month (
12). People in group homes for youth welfare and juvenile justice reported occasional NSSI at 21.9% and repetitive NSSI at 18.4% (
13), with differences possibly due to age variations in participants. A study conducted in Iran found that although women are more likely to experience NSSI, there was no significant difference in the prevalence and incidence of self-harm based on gender in their study (
2). In contrast, Wang et al. reported that women are more susceptible to NSSI behaviors compared to their male counterparts (
46). In line with this study, a school-based study in Norway (2002 - 2018) showed an increase in adolescent self-harm from 4% to 16%, with higher rates among girls than boys (
47). Similarly, a population-based cohort study in Australia found an 8% prevalence of self-harm among 14 - 15-year-old students, with more girls (10%) reporting self-harm than boys (6%) (
48). A UK cohort study in 2017 also noted higher self-harm prevalence among girls aged 10 - 19, with a sharp rise in 13 - 16-year-old girls between 2011 and 2014. These gender differences likely arise from psychological, social, and biological factors, warranting further research (
49). In a meta-analysis that included a substantial number of studies with diverse and unbiased demographic samples, strong evidence indicated that women engage in NSSI more frequently than men. The study also highlighted that NSSI behaviors may vary between males and females. Additionally, the researchers suggested that hormonal differences between women and men could influence gender differences in the incidence of NSSI (
50). Moreover, the higher prevalence of self-harm behaviors among women compared to men can be attributed to the greater incidence of psychological disorders, such as depression and anxiety, in this group. Notably, the prevalence of depression in women is approximately three times higher than in men (
51,
52).
The present study also found variations in self-harm prevalence across provinces, with Tehran reporting 28.33% and Khorasan Razavi 38.90%. While the current study highlights regional variations in self-harm prevalence across provinces in Iran, these differences are influenced by a combination of socio-economic factors, cultural elements, and mental health infrastructure (
24,
53,
54). Furthermore, socio-economic factors play a significant role in this context, with higher rates observed in rural areas and border provinces (
55). The economic challenges faced by individuals in rural areas and border provinces, where higher rates of self-harm are observed, are significant factors contributing to this disparity (
56). The interplay between economic stressors, access to mental health resources, and family dynamics plays a central role in shaping the mental health outcomes in these populations (
57). Economic pressures, including the effects of sanctions, exacerbate mental health issues, leading to an increased vulnerability to self-harm behaviors, especially among adolescents and young adults who have limited access to care (
58).
Cultural stigma, especially in the context of Iran and other Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) regions, significantly affects both the reporting and treatment of self-harm. In many MENA countries, including Iran, mental health issues and self-injury behaviors are often seen as a source of shame, leading to underreporting and a reluctance to seek help (
59). This cultural stigma, coupled with a lack of understanding about mental health, results in an environment where individuals engaging in NSSI are less likely to disclose their behaviors and seek appropriate interventions (
56). Moreover, family dynamics in MENA societies often discourage open discussion of mental health issues, further compounding the challenge of providing effective care. The stigma surrounding mental health and self-harm is deeply embedded in cultural norms, making it difficult for individuals to receive the support they need from their families or communities (
57). Additionally, studies indicate that self-injury behaviors are often misunderstood and linked to attention-seeking or personal weakness, reinforcing the societal stigma and leading to further isolation of individuals who self-harm (
60). In this context, ethnic and cultural differences also contribute to varying rates and risk factors for self-harm. For example, research has shown that stigma and socio-cultural factors are more pronounced in certain ethnic groups, leading to higher rates of self-injury, particularly among women in certain regions (
61). In addition, religious and cultural coping mechanisms can serve as protective factors for some ethnic groups, highlighting the complex and multifaceted nature of self-harm behaviors across cultures (
58).
In terms of specific behaviors, self-poisoning had the highest prevalence (56.14%) among self-harm types, indicating that poisoning is a common method in high-risk populations. Supporting this, a study in Egypt reported an increase in suicide attempts by poisoning between 2016 and 2020, with a prevalence of 26.10 per 100,000 people (
62). In Ghana, non-poisonous self-harm accounted for 54.5% of cases, while self-poisoning made up 16.2%, with cutting being the most common form of self-injury (38.7%) (
12). Another study found that adolescents in social care centers commonly used sharp objects for self-harm (
14), differing from the findings of the present study, possibly due to limited access to toxic substances in specific populations.
5.1. Conclusions
The present study has established the high prevalence of self-harm within high-risk populations and varying prevalence according to gender, geographical region, and the kind of self-harming behavior. This points to an urgent call for effective interventions. Programs aimed at prevention and treatment should be planned in a targeted manner, considering differences to help reduce this behavior in society. These findings further emphasize the importance of considering gender-specific factors in the design and implementation of prevention and treatment programs.
5.2. Limitations
This study has several limitations. A major limitation is the heterogeneity among the included studies. This variation may arise from differences in methodology, study populations, definitions of variables, and methods used to measure self-injury. Such diversity makes it challenging to generalize the results accurately to all high-risk populations. Additionally, the use of different tools to assess NSSI led to the exclusion of some studies. One limitation of this study is the inclusion of studies that utilized non-validated tools, such as researcher-developed checklists, which may introduce variability in the measurement of self-injury behaviors. While these tools provided valuable insights, the lack of formal validation may affect the reliability and comparability of the findings across studies. These exclusions occurred when certain studies defined self-injury differently or included suicidal intent as part of self-injurious behaviors. This variation may have also influenced the study's findings.
Moreover, cultural and reporting biases are significant limitations that may have affected the results. Stigma surrounding self-injury in different cultures, particularly in regions like the MENA, likely contributed to underreporting of NSSI behaviors. In societies where mental health issues are often stigmatized, individuals may be less likely to seek help or disclose self-harm behaviors, leading to underrepresentation of the true prevalence of NSSI (such as in studies from Iran). These cultural biases can affect both the reporting of NSSI and the willingness of participants to engage in studies that address sensitive topics. Additionally, the variation in the willingness of participants from different cultural backgrounds to report NSSI may have introduced further inconsistencies in the data.
Another limitation is the limited access to specific study data, such as detailed age and medical history, which restricted the ability to analyze risk factors and subgroups more comprehensively. Without detailed demographic information, the ability to explore how factors like age, gender, and underlying medical conditions influence self-injury prevalence and severity is limited.