Risk-taking behaviors are common and can lead to serious consequences, such as unintended pregnancies, sexually transmitted infections, drug and alcohol abuse, injuries, and even death. Despite their prevalence and consequences, the psychological correlates that underlie these behaviors are not well understood. To test the role of close relationships on risk-taking behaviors, we examined the relationship between adult parent attachment and risk-taking behaviors, while accounting for the person’s sex and level of emotional adjustment.
A review of the literature showed that these variables have not been examined jointly with adults, despite the significant amount of research that has accumulated with children and adolescents and that linked attachment to adjustment on the one hand, and adjustment and risk-taking behavior on the other. In a theoretical speculation advanced in the literature and examined this study is that psychological attachment to parents in adults serves similar functions as it does with children and adolescents (
1). Psychological attachment to parents represents a security behavioral system that promotes safety and survival in adults, as well as help-seeking and coping behaviors that promote adjustment and healthy emotional regulation (
1,
2). By studying risk-taking behaviors in adults in relation to parent attachment, the research will show if the salubrious effects of parent attachment is extended to adults and yield a better understanding of some of the psychological sources of risk-taking in adults. The results may also inform ways in which counselors can reduce risk-taking, promote healthier attachments, and better interpersonal functioning in adults.
Bowlby (
3,
4) first described attachment as the “lasting psychological connectedness between human beings” (p. 194), and proposed that the earliest bonds formed by children with their caregivers endure throughout adolescence and adulthood and impact the psychological development, safety, and health of the person. Much in line with evolutionary thought, Bowlby (
3) proposed that attachment between caregivers and children developed biologically because of its survival value; attachment activates behavior that helps to protect newborns from harm or injury. Infants, toddlers, and children stay physically close to their caregivers/parents and vice-versa so that the caregiver can protect them from danger. Any scenario that is psychologically or physically threatening to the developing toddler/child will activate a move toward physical proximity with the caregiver, fostering and strengthening a psychological connection to the parents (
4). According to Bowlby (
4), as the child develops, attachment to parents fosters healthy psychological connections to others, healthy coping during stress, and adjustment. From this conception of attachment, children develop the ability and flexibility to seek protection and care in light of physical threats or negative emotions, and to practice communication and resilience as they venture farther away from the immediate proximity of the caregiver (
3,
5). Soothing and protective parent-child and care giver-child interactions and attachment also foster appropriate emotional self-regulatory abilities in the developing child (
5). With cognitive and emotional maturity, individuals develop internal working models (i.e., mental constructs) of themselves in relation to others, including parents, which help to guide attachment processes, self-control, and survival from infancy through adulthood (
3).
Parent attachment is defined as a sense of connection between child and parent characterized by trust, comfort, and reliability (
6) and is theorized to play a role in predicting routes of personal adjustment and development across the life span, including the ability to develop new interpersonal relationships that are trusting, comforting, and reliable (
7). Bowlby (
3,
4) recognized that psychological attachment to parents has a significant influence on relationships throughout the life span, and that this lasting bond between a parent and child is also a contributing factor in the developing person’s ability to deal with stressful or demanding situations (
1). Much like children, adults who experience stress may attempt to reach out to an attachment figure (in the form of a parent, significant other, or a spouse) in an attempt to reestablish a sense of emotional harmony and/or security (
1,
3,
4).
According to Laschinger (
1), secure parent attachment provides the developing individual with the affective and cognitive resources with which to process and handle temptations toward risk-taking behaviors later in life. Parents who provide children with secure attachment relationships also provide them with models for healthy relationships and positive internal working models or representations of self and others. A healthy internal model will increase the chances that a person can find other relationships that are characterized by love and which are reliable; these models also provide the mechanism for individuals who may be ill or in trouble to turn to those they trust for assistance (
1,
8). As secure children and adolescents mature, they are more likely to become independent, to have appropriate self-esteem, and to be confident and healthy individuals (
1). In contrast, insecurely attached children and adolescents are likely to develop adult attachment styles that are avoidant and anxious (
9), are more susceptible to engage in impulsive behaviors, to exhibit poor emotional regulation, and to have difficulties in functioning and adjustment (
3,
9).
Risk-taking behavior has been defined as “any behavior that may endanger the well-being of the self or others, either through immediate risk of physical injury, or by violating rules, laws, or norms established to prevent negative consequences” (
10) (p. 2). Risk-taking behavior may include a range of behaviors, from substance abuse to adventure seeking to speeding while driving; thus it is considered a multidimensional construct (
10). Studies in young adult populations indicate that 71% of the deaths that occur between the ages of 10 to 24 years old are due to risk-related events, such as motor vehicle crashes (
10). Farley and Farley (
11) proposed that individuals with dispositions toward high risk and delinquent behavior have attachment-related deficits, arousal difficulties, and stronger sensation-seeking needs, all which stem from the absence of and/or failures in security and soothing care in early childhood. Psychological attachment has also been discussed as a key aspect to personal control over dangerous urges (
12). Hirschi (
13) defined psychological attachment in terms of “the level of psychological affection one has for prosocial others and institutions” (
14) (p. 58). From this perspective, children who establish close ties to their parents and schools are able to accept and exhibit greater social control, and are more likely to avoid deviant behaviors out of fear of losing connections to significant others (
14). A commitment to friends, parents, teachers, and to work is at the core of self-control (
14), and Hirschi (
13) proposed individuals conform to social laws as a form of commitment and attachment to others (
15). With more risk-taking inhibitors, in the forms of attachments to others and/or more social bonds, the individual is compelled to refuse to engage in risky, criminal, or antisocial behaviors (
12,
13). From this perspective, psychological attachment to parents may be deduced to be an important “inhibitor” against risk-taking behavior. Despite the conceptual links between attachment and risk-taking behavior, the empirical link between attachment to parents and risk-taking behavior has not been studied with adults.
It is well-known in psychology, as well as in other disciplines, that men are more likely than women to engage in a variety of risk-taking behaviors; increasing men’s risk of disease, injury, and death (
16). For example, it has been found that men engage in higher lifetime use of tobacco and are more likely to engage in binge drinking and marijuana use than women (
17). Additionally, men tend to have more sexual partners and are more likely to be the perpetrators and the victims of violence or criminal acts (
18). Explanations for differences between males and females in risk-taking behaviors have varied due to physiological factors, differences in parenting styles, and cultural influences that allow, encourage, and even romanticize men who engage in risk-taking behavior (
16). In the current study, we account for sex in examining attachment, adjustment, and risk-taking behavior, and will examine if participant sex is a moderator variable between attachment to parents, adjustment, and risk-taking behavior.
We operationalized attachment in terms of parental attachment, and sampled adults who would be able to provide self-reports regarding their attachment to their mother and father. Adjustment has been examined in various ways in the literature, but recent studies (
19,
20) examining parental attachment have operationalized adjustment in terms of self-esteem and depression, and in the current we followed this pattern established in the literature. Since risk-taking is deemed a multidimensional construct, we chose a measure that would capture the range of behaviors associated with risk-taking.
1.1. Research Questions and Hypotheses
Several research questions stimulated the current study. First we were interested in the relationship between attachment to parents and risk-taking behavior in adults. Second, we were interested in examining whether emotional adjustment mediated the relationship between attachment to mother and father and risk-taking behaviors. Finally, we were interested in whether sex moderated the relationship between attachment, adjustment, and risk-taking behaviors. The hypotheses that arose from these questions are the following: 1) we hypothesized an inverse relationship between secure attachment to mother and father and risk-taking behavior; 2) we also hypothesized that level of adjustment would mediate the relationship between attachment to mother and father and risk-taking; and 3) we hypothesized that men, more so than women, would engage in risk-taking behavior, above and beyond the level of attachment and adjustment.
Figure 1 depicts a model of our hypotheses. The paths on
Figure 1 from attachment to father and attachment to mother to risky behavior represent our first hypothesis. The paths from attachment to father and attachment to mother to adjustment and then from adjustment to risk-taking behavior represent the second hypothesis. The paths from sex, attachment, and adjustment to risk-taking behavior represent the third hypothesis.
Conceptual Model and Hypotheses