We examined the association between parental objective, subjective, and contextual SES and their children's mental health among 1,103 parent-child pairs in a G.P.'s network of clients in Tehran. The bivariate analysis indicated a significant inverse association between parental subjective and objective SES and children's mental health. The association for both subjective and objective SES remained significant after adjusting for each other. We found a significant partial mediating role of subjective SES for objective SES effects on mental health. The moderating effect of children's age group on the association between objective and subjective SES and mental health was insignificant. We could not find any association between contextual SES and children's mental health.
Numerous studies have replicated the association between objective SES indicators and children's mental health in different contexts and countries (
29,
40-
49). Previous studies on the Iranian population include a nationally representative school-based study (CASPIAN) (
17) that found an increased risk of mental and behavioral problems among school-age children and adolescents from lower SES. In that study, objective SES was evaluated by parents' education, occupation, and family assets. Similarly, in a systematic review in 2013, Sajjadi et al. (
18) found that low SES status was among the most important predictors of adolescents' depression. A recent survey conducted in Qazvin city found an inverse association between family assets and problematic child mental health and peer relations (
50). To our knowledge, no past studies of the association of SES with child mental health problems in Iran have used subjective measures or investigated the child's age as a moderator.
We found a significant association between parental objective and subjective SES measures and children's mental health. However, the objective SES effect appears more prominent for college-educated parents. Different pathways have been proposed to explain the relationship between family SES and children's mental health. The "absolute deprivation" pathway suggests that less privileged children may encounter material hardship that interferes with their normal cognitive, socioemotional, and physical development (
5). On the other hand, the "relative deprivation" pathway emphasizes the anger and sorrow accompanying the comparison of oneself with others and the perception of injustice (
6,
45).
The impact of objective and subjective SES remained significant after adjusting for each other; we found a significant partial mediating role for subjective SES between objective measure and children's mental health. This finding supports the idea that although the objective SES effect is partially mediated through subjective SES, it also has some direct independent effects (
7,
51). Although there are plausible criticisms of using mediation analysis on cross-sectional data (
52) some scholars argue for their usefulness when there is a robust theoretical background (
53). We believe that the same applies to this study's field, as there is sound theoretical background (
54), and this mediation has been tested in several cross-sectional studies with the same results (
11-
14).
We could not find an association between contextual SES and children's mental health. A previous study of a nationally representative sample in Iran reported a lower prevalence of psychiatric disorders in children who reside in rural areas (
55), which differ significantly in macroeconomic indices (
56). Two other studies on adults living in Tehran found a significant impact of the household district on the individual's mental health. However, in both studies, the impact of contextual indicators was less than that of the individual-level indicators (
57,
58). The lack of association in our sample could be due to the unbalanced distribution of subjects. As is evident in
Table 1, more than half of our sample lived in less privileged areas of Tehran. Moreover, since the effect of contextual indicators are minor compared to individual-level indicators, finding differences might need higher statistical power.
We considered parental education a proxy for objective SES, i.e., access to material and social resources. However, the "family process model" suggests an alternative path linking parental education and children's mental health. The model suggests that higher maternal education directly affects parenting styles by increasing maternal knowledge about childrearing. Highly educated parents spend more time with their children, invest more in their development, and use less harsh parenting strategies (
47). Children with higher maternal education levels also benefit from more developed social cognitive skills, e.g., theory of mind (
59). Reverse-causation of low SES by child mental health problems should also be considered. Having a child with mental illness can limit the parents' potential to pursue education and career (
47). Nevertheless, Wadsworth and Achenbach estimated this effect to be low in early and middle childhood (
60). A question remains unanswered: How does parental subjective SES affect children's mental health? Is it through the parent's mental state and parenting behaviors? Or do children develop their own perception of SES that impacts their well-being?
We could not find a significant moderating effect based on children's age. The decreasing pattern of associations between SES and mental health in the late childhood group is a fairly replicated finding in the field. In a 2013 systematic review of studies from 23 countries, Reiss noted some studies reporting this attenuating pattern and suggested age 12 as a turning point for this association (
2). Interestingly, all these studies used objective indicators of SES; or if they included a subjective indicator, the informant was the parent, like the current study (
51,
61-
63). However, the studies that measured the adolescent's own perception of their status in their school community found significant associations even in ages over 12 years (
6,
7,
64). The authors have attributed this attenuation of parental SES indicators to the development of adolescents' own sense of social hierarchy, which could be more focused on comparisons between peer groups. Because the peer groups are usually more homogenous regarding SES, this homogeneity could buffer parental SES indicators' impact by affecting adolescents' subjective perception of SES (
7). This again emphasizes the importance of subjective SES when considering mental health. The lack of significance in our study could be due to the unbalanced distribution of the sample across age groups. Additionally, our sample size was possibly insufficient to detect a moderating effect, as investigating the interaction of variables needs higher statistical power. Nevertheless, another explanation could be cultural differences. As middle-eastern societies are more family-centered than others and children start becoming independent later in life, the impact of the parental social situation on children may go beyond what is observed in western cultures (
65).
5.1. Strengths and Limitations
In addition to the relatively large sample size, the current study has several other strengths, including assessing subjective SES, often not measured, and examining the moderating role of a child's age. However, the original study was not designed for this paper's objectives, which limits the findings. Most importantly, the enrolled families mostly came from disadvantaged areas of the capital city of Iran, which raises concerns regarding generalizability. Also, we did not have an ad-hoc sample size calculation for the outcomes of this study, and our final sample size had limitations in detecting some patterns, especially in the analysis that included interaction effects. Our sample size also had an unbalanced distribution across age groups. Moreover, the clinical sampling setting and evidence suggest that children from lower SES strata experience more illnesses than others. However, we do not believe that the sample radically differs from the general population as the SDQ total difficulty scores and subjective SES measures of our sample were close to two other studies of children recruited from the general Iranian population (
66) and a national survey among adults, respectively (
67). Additionally, because our study is cross-sectional, our mediation analysis was prone to bias.
We considered parental education as a proxy for other indicators of objective SES. This limits our assessment of the family's SES, as the evidence suggests that although different indicators of objective SES (e.g., income, wealth, education, and occupation) are correlated but also have independent effects (
8,
68). We also used the parental subjective SES measure, which may differ from the child's own perception. We did not present analyses based on different SDQ subscales. However, further analyses on the subscales of the SDQ produced similar results (data not shown). Lastly, we examined current SES. As the literature suggests a role for both chronically low and recent declines of SES (
2,
6), we may have missed part of the SES-mental health relationship by not considering past SES or recent changes.
5.2. Conclusions
There is an association between parental-reported SES and the mental health of children and adolescents. However, SES is a multi-dimensional concept and cannot be captured by a few indicators. Understanding the interplay between different indicators of SES and the mental health of children and adolescents needs further prospective studies in different cultures and contexts. We recommend considering multiple dimensions of SES in these studies to understand this relationship better. Such information could reveal modifiable indicators fostering resilience, with clues to preventive interventions to reduce the harmful effects of social adversities in this vulnerable age group. Such interventions could be ultimately incorporated into primary, school-based, and community mental health care as part of primary and secondary prevention programs.