5.1. Parenting Styles and Children’s Psychopathology
The role of parenting on the children’s psychological well-being has been studied by many authors over several decades. Literature suggests an association between less adaptive parenting styles and child psychopathology but while some authors highlight the external behaviors, others prefer to highlight internal behaviors (
14-
20).
Our results indicate that, even after controlling the effect of individual and family variables, parenting styles do contribute for the explanation of the statistical variance of aggressiveness, anxiety and obsessive/schizoid indexes (through the parents’ representations regarding their own parenting styles) and hyperactivity/attention (through the perception of children regarding the parenting styles of their mothers). It is interesting to note that in spite the fact that the increase of the explanation of the variance of the index of social problems (P = 0.052) and the total psychopathology (P = 0.053) did not reach the statistically significant values, they remain very close to the recommended value (P < 0.05).
Thus, it is considered that these results are consistent with the aforementioned studies arguing that parenting styles play a key role in children’s psychopathological manifestations.
The relationship found between children’s psychopathology and their parents’ representations regarding rejecting behavior towards children or, in the case of hyperactivity/attention with perceptions of children on less emotional support provided by mothers, comes in line with results obtained by other authors. Rejection and lack of parental support have previously been described as causing external and internal problems (
20). Child psychopathology tends to be associated to less emotional support and greater overprotection/rejection (
50).
Although Gecas et al. (
51) already registered discrepancies between parents’ and children’s perceptions regarding parental investment, it is nonetheless interesting to note that, according to our results, parents’ representations regarding their own parenting styles have a greater capacity to explain children’s psychopathology than the children’s perceptions regarding parenting styles. Besides the fact that these instruments assess the same dimensions, we should not forget that CBCL is a questionnaire answered by parents and therefore it is natural to get a bigger agreement with EMBU-P (also answered by parents) than with EMBU-C.
Another fact that is equally interesting is that the children’s perception of parenting styles starring the father show highly significant positive correlations with parenting styles perpetuated by the mother, which relates to Pereira et al. (
20), under which, children tend to perceive similar parental profiles for both parents.
The fact that family factors assume a high and generalized capacity to explain children’s psychopathology is in line with Ruchkin et al. (
12) who recognized that, although parenting styles are an important etiological factor for behavioral problems, they should be regarded as part of a more complex system. As advocated by Kendler (
52), there are ample evidences that the pathways to psychopathology involve causal processes that operate at macro and micro levels, inside and outside of the individual and whose understanding requires a biological, psychological and sociocultural framework.
5.2. Grandparents’ Parenting Styles and Children’s Psychopathology
According to our results, the explanatory power of parenting styles regarding the psychopathology of children is not limited to representations of parents regarding their own parenting styles and to perceptions of children regarding parenting styles, extending also to memories of parents with regards to parenting styles of their own parents. Based on the results of the present study, children’s psychopathology can be explained by the childhood memories of parents in respect to parenting styles.
Even after considering the results of EMBU-P, the childhood memories regarding parenting styles explain the variance of the psychopathology indexes of CBCL (except for the anxiety index and the obsessive/schizoid index).
Furthermore, multiple regression analyzes carried out by Lundberg et al. (
53) showed that parenting styles are more strongly determined by the personality of the parents than by children's personality.
It seems to conclude that, regarding the children’s psychopathological manifestations, the explanatory power allowed by EMBU-My Memories of Upbringing exceeds both the EMBU-P and the EMBU-C.
Nonetheless, we should note that bigger rejection (in parents’ memories) associates with lower levels of children’s psychopathology. It is believed that two aspects can explain this inverse relationship between rejection and children’s psychopathology and the few exceptions in which the above-mentioned pattern is not verified. Initially, we should not forget that we are studying the impact of parents’ childhood memories regarding their own parents in children’s psychopathology and that there may be continuities or discontinuities between the parenting styles across generations (
39). Parents whose childhood memories regarding their own parents suggest that rejecting parenting styles are possibly creating more adaptive parenting styles (in a certain way, “learning from mistakes”) and consequently leading to a reduction of psychopathological levels in their children. In addition, sometimes, there may be false childhood memories of parents that affect the answers to these questionnaires, especially in insecure attachment situations (
54).
When comparing the explanatory power of mothers’/fathers’ childhood memories in relation to their own mothers/fathers, it appears that the greatest explanatory power focuses on maternal childhood memories regarding their own fathers, explaining six indexes of psychopathology (total of psychopathology, aggressiveness, hyperactivity/attention, depression, social problems and isolation) followed by the mothers’ childhood memories regarding their own mothers, explaining five psychopathology indexes (total of psychopathology, aggressiveness, hyperactivity/attention, depression and social problems).
However, we cannot fail to mention that, as appearing in the previous case, family factors return to take a leading role in explaining children’s psychopathology, which proves consistent with scientific literature. For example, Van IJzendoorn (
37) and Kerr et al. (
38) conceived a theoretical model of intergenerational transmission that combines biological systems, individual characteristics, contextual factors, socialization experiences and social influence of affective relationships with pairs.
5.3. Conclusions
5.3.1. Parenting Styles and Children’s Psychopathology
According to our results, even after controlling the effects of individual and family variables, parenting styles contribute to the explanation of the statistical variance of aggressiveness, anxiety, obsessive/schizoid and hyperactivity/attention indexes.
Although we cannot completely confirm the hypothesis that the perceptions of children regarding parenting styles give a significant contribution to the explanation of children’s psychopathology, the results show the importance of parenting styles, namely through the impact of parental representations in children’s psychopathology, which comes in line with what has been cited in the scientific literature.
The fact that, compared to children’s perceptions, parents’ representations regarding parenting styles have a higher explanatory power for children’s psychopathology can be associated into two different aspects: Not only the EMBU-P leaves little explanatory room for EMBU-C but also both EMBU-P and CBCL are self-reported questionnaires, filled out by parents.
In the future, it would be interesting to test this hypothesis by using another instrument different from the CBCL, also quantitative, but without using parental rating to assess the children’s psychopathology.
Therefore, it is considered that this research not only highlights the importance of parenting styles, but also contributes to the clarification of the less adaptive parental attitudes and the psychopathologies and how its impact is more significant.
5.3.2. Grandparents’ Parenting Styles and Children’s Psychopathology
As previously advanced, results indicate that the explanatory power of parenting styles in relation to childhood psychopathological manifestations is not limited to the perceptions of children or even to their parents' representations regarding their own parenting styles or extending to childhood memories of parents relatively to parenting styles performed by their own parents, whose explanatory power comes as even higher.
These results not only confirm the models of intergenerational transmission of parenting styles but also emphasize the role of memories that parents (especially mothers) have regarding parenting styles performed by their own parents (especially maternal grandfathers) upon children’s psychopathology. Once again and as stated in the previous case, it is suggested that in future research, childhood psychopathological manifestations should be assessed through another instrument that does not refer to parental rating.
Highlighting the importance of parents’ childhood memories regarding parenting styles in the manifestation of children’s psychopathology and by concluding that their explanatory power goes beyond both parental representations and children’s perceptions regarding parenting styles, this study allows a unique contribution to the understanding of childhood psychopathology.