Based on our findings, some practices such as alcohol consumption were relatively common among college students; however, the frequency of opium use was seemingly low. In addition, we found a lower frequency with lower visibility of these practices among female students. Our findings showed that the visibility of these practices ranged from around 100% for opium use to 17% for methamphetamine use.
In the present study, the frequency of substance use in the last year varied between 2.2% for opium and 14% for taking tramadol without medical indications. In a study by Taramian et al. (2008), the self-reporting of opium, tramadol, and ecstasy were reported as 1.2%, 2.3%, and 0.3%, respectively among students in Tehran (
13), the capital of Iran. Shamsipour et al. in 2014 (
11) showed that the overall prevalence of lifetime use of any illicit drugs among medical students of Tehran using crosswise model was around 20%, while via direct questions this figure was 3%. Additionally, the overall prevalence of lifetime use of opium by the crosswise model was 13.6%, with a substantial underreporting of opium use via the direct method which was 1%. Sheikhzadeh et al. (
14) in a university setting in Iran (2014) estimated the prevalence of opium use at 3.02% using the NSU method and 5.13% through direct questioning in male students; however, based on the proxy respondent method (PRM), it was higher at 9.36%. These same estimations for female students based on these three methods were 0.07%, 1.64%, and 1.16%, respectively.
However, there was a considerable difference between boys and girls in terms of drug use. The proportion of illegal drug use, such as opium and methamphetamines, among boys was remarkably higher than girls. In other studies, lifetime use of illegal substances, tobacco, marijuana, cocaine powder, ecstasy, and anabolic androgenic steroids as well as hallucinogens (
15) was reported significantly more frequently among male students. Warner et al. (
16) indicated that one of the main reasons for these differences between male and female substance use can be negative pressures and the strong stigma against females for these behaviors. Gender is also considered a predictive contributor for substance use (
17).
According to the findings of our study, about 16% of students consumed alcohol in the last year. In a recent study (2014) in a medical University in Iran based on the three methods of PRM, NSU, and direct questioning, the prevalence of alcohol was estimated at 2.32%, 0.44%, and 2.23% for females, while such estimations were 18.12%, 8.68%, and 13.4% for males, respectively (
14). In the present study, the estimates for alcohol consumption among male students was much higher than for females. Similarly, a higher prevalence of alcohol consumption among males in comparison to females is reported in other studies (
18). Among college students in Brazil (
15), recent (in the last 12 months) alcohol consumption among male students was at a significantly higher rate. Like substance use, there was a considerable gender difference in terms of alcohol consumption in the present study, which was remarkably higher among male students (24.3% vs. 11.2%). It is generally believed that the leading reason women drink less than men is because the social pressures against this behavior are much greater for women than for men (
19). The social sanctions against females seem to be much greater in Iran.
Regarding the EPMS issue, our findings showed that 12.4% of college students had extra/pre-marital sexual contact in the last year. In a study in Iran among medical students, the frequency of extra-marital sex based on the PRM, NSU, and direct questioning methods was estimated at 13.4%, 7.4%, and 10.3% for males, and 3.47%, 0.95%, and 1.4% for females, respectively (
14). The findings of a study in Canada (2009) showed that 12% of undergraduate students had risky sexual behavior (
20).The results of a study in the United States (US) among university students showed that 80% of boys and 73% of girls had intercourse = with the opposite sex, and about 75% of university students in Scotland had heterosexual penetrative sex (
21,
22).
Another part of our findings showed that the visibility of some practices such as sexual contact was relatively low even in the network of close friends, particularly among female students. Explaining this finding is not difficult since most of these practices, particularly extra/pre-marital sexual contact, are not acceptable culturally, legally, and by the Islamic laws. Therefore, students might hide their practices even from their friends. This barrier is stronger for ladies in Iran; therefore, lower visibility would be expected among female students even before exploring the findings of this study. Of those risky behaviors, the most obvious gender differences in the present study were shown in having close RWOS (females: 24.2/39.1 = 0.62 vs. males: 40.1/47.1 = 0.85) and EPMS (females: 3.8/10.6 = 0.36 vs. males: 10.5/14.8 = 0.71). Studies in developed nations have also implied that boys are more prone to commence sexual relationships, and have a higher frequency of sexual contacts and more risky practices than girls (
23,
24).
In Iran, unlike girls, male youths receive more permissions and liberties from society for extra/pre-marital sexual activities, although for both genders, it is considered taboo. Then, because of these restrictions, these behaviors may occur in a hidden environment. Within this context, however, in comparison with Western nations, the frequency of extra/pre-marital sexual contact in Iran was remarkably low. However, sexual behaviors along with the early initiation of sexual practices (
24) can endanger young individuals, afflicting them with dangerous infections such as sexually transmitted diseases (STI) and HIV, and somehow immerse them in unwanted pregnancies and subsequent consequences, such as unsafe abortions (
25).
Estimations through the CM technique were higher than those obtained from the NSU. A lower percentage obtained from the NSU method may result from the low visibility of high-risk behaviors within the students’ social networks. Such findings were also achieved in other studies that compared direct size estimations with indirect ones (
11,
14). Comparing direct and indirect methods, we can conclude that indirect methods perform better and obtain more exact and closer-to-reality estimations than direct ones.
5.1. Conclusions
We showed the feasibility and applications of two indirect methods in the estimations of risky behaviors among college students. It seems that both the crosswise and network scale-up techniques have their own considerations; however, both may be used to check and monitor risky behaviors. Our findings showed that both illegal drug use and extra/pre-marital sexual contact were relatively common among students in Iran, with a considerable gap between males and females. In addition, it seems that the visibility of most of these practices is low even among male students.